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MORE QUESTIONS FOR CANDIDATES

Submitted by Editor on

At last week’s Scottish Parliamentary election hustings, we ended up with more Spurtle readers’ questions than we had time to ask. 

We subsequently sent them to all the candidates who had appeared, and invited them to respond in writing before 5 May – if and when they had an opportunity. 

Here are the first two sets of responses. We'll add any others as they come in.

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1. Tonight, women and girls in Edinburgh are afraid to go out in the dark alone. At this moment, women here are afraid to stay in their own homes, through fear of violence and abuse. What specific measures will your party bring forward, in the next parliament, to ensure that women and girls in Scotland are safe in their own homes, and are able to go out freely and confidently into the world? What will you do to stop women in Scotland living in fear? 

Jack Caldwell (Independent): Violence against females is still a large problem across Scotland that we need to tackle head on. For a start, I believe we need to fundamentally improve the judicial process to give juries more autonomy in court cases. I say this because a percentage of violence against women and girls is carried out by repeat offenders, who either live with the victim or see them on a regular basis. I’m sorry to say I have experienced it myself where context of a crime doesn’t matter as much as the crime itself.

Ensuring we have high employment levels is also very important, as a woman with a career is far less likely to be reliant on a partner for housing needs.

Lastly, it’s absolutely critical that females of all ages leave school knowing how unacceptable it is to be assaulted, and why it should be reported straight away. One of my proposed amendments to the curriculum for excellence is for pupils to have a longer engagement in Social Education classes.

Lesley Hinds (Labour): Scottish Labour is committed to anti-austerity public spending and ensuring that public services are properly funded.

We cannot ensure the safety of women and girls if local councils’ budgets are squeezed and vital safety features such as adequate lighting or safe transport can’t be funded and funding for women’s services such as refuges is cut. We would scrap the unfair Council Tax and replace it with a fairer system to properly fund local services.

By committing to top up older women’s pensions which are being cut for a cohort of women in the transition to the single-tier pension, we can ensure that women don’ t face poverty in old age and if in a violent or abusive relationship, they have the financial means to leave an abusive situation.

When it comes to equality and women’ s representation, Scottish Labour goes into the Holyrood elections with the most gender-balanced slate of candidates of every political party in Scotland. If we are serious about discussing violence against women, safety of women and girls, and want to see women and girls going out freely and confidently into the world - women politicians need to be equally represented in political office. We need a seat at the table to make the decisions.

Iain McGill (Conservative): To improve public safety there has to be a more visible police presence in highly populated areas, particularly at night. With regards to violence against women and girls in their own homes, I am proud that the UK Conservative Government introduced Clare’s Law which allows women and girls to check if their partner has a history of domestic abuse. The Scottish Conservatives called for the pilot of this here, and were pleased this has been rolled out to protect people from this appalling crime.

The Scottish Parliament also recently passed the Abuse Behaviour and Sexual Harm Bill which puts domestic abuse aggravation on a statutory footing which will lead to tougher sentences for perpetrators. 

Ben Macpherson (SNP) [revised response, 24.4.16; see Comment at foot of page]: In February I took part in a hustings on gender-based violence organised by EQUALISE in aid of the Edinburgh Rape Crisis Centre. I also participated in the recent protest against ‘Roosh V’ and his followers. Since then I have met with EQUALISE and the Edinburgh Rape Crisis Centre to establish what I can do to help if elected. I am determined to do what I can to tackle gender-based violence and sexism.

If re-elected to govern, the SNP will create a new criminal offence to help tackle all forms of domestic abuse. This will cover not just physical abuse but also other forms of psychological abuse and coercive and controlling behaviour (which cannot easily be prosecuted under the existing criminal law).

If elected I will stand up passionately for gender equality and against misogynistic and/or aggressive behaviour.

Please also see the section on ‘A Safer Scotland’ in the SNP manifesto: http://www.snp.org/manifesto 

Alan Melville (UK Independence Party): The law as it stands treats assault, especially sexual assault, extremely seriously, and we do not consider any changes are necessary there. Where improvement is required is in police practice; too much time is spent keeping officers behind desks instead of on our streets preventing crime. UKIP would break up the centralised Police Scotland to restore local policing accountability and recruit more support staff so that police officers are freed up to police our cities.

UKIP would also make it explicit to police officers at all levels that the law is to be enforced equally for all; we never want to see a Scottish Rotherham with authorities putting political correctness above the prosecution of those who abuse and rape. We would make clear to community leaders that so-called cultural practices such as female genital mutilation are anathema and will be vigorously investigated with extremely harsh sentences when prosecuted successfully. This is 21st-century Britain, and such pre-mediaeval barbarism has no place here.

Martin Veart (Liberal Democrat): At this election, Scottish Liberal Democrats are proposing among other things to:
  • Introduce a new offence of domestic abuse
  • Support early intervention with those at high risk of first-time offending
  • Take major action to improve conviction rates for sexual offences, including consideration of legislation to allow research to be undertaken with jury members; the right of juries to be able to ask questions of expert witnesses or the provision of an expert adviser to assist juries with expert evidence, together with suggestions made in the Bonomy Review.
  • Legislate to prohibit physical punishment of children. The evidence from dozens of studies is now indisputable on what our law describes, in Victorian fashion, as the "justifiable assault" of children. It damages their wellbeing, increases aggression and antisocial behaviour which can continue into their adult lives, and risks escalating into physical abuse.

My colleague Alison McInnes, the Scottish Liberal Democrat justice spokesperson, did a great deal in the last Scottish Parliament to help protect women and girls from violence and abuse. You can read a recent speech she gave on preventing violence against women ny following this link.

My personal view is that some of it comes down to early education, both in schools and in the examples from parents and carers. Some people, usually but not exclusively women, are simply more vulnerable to abuse. Recently schools have done a great deal to tackle bullying in our schools but until we live in a society where signs of weakness do not trigger an oppressive response in some others, the challenge will still be ongoing. Peer pressure has a lot to do with this. When it is not done for a group member to cat-call or abuse a passing stranger in the street and the peers turn upon others for doing so, progress will have been made. We do not yet live in such a society.

2. Edinburgh, in my opinion, has some of the worst new building in Europe. Why is planning law so slanted towards the developer when decisions arising may put the UNESCO World Heritage status at risk? (My specific concern as a local resident is the RBS proposal to develop the site bordering Eyre Place, Dundas Street, Royal Crescent, Fettes Row, Dundonald Street and overwhelming King George V Park. The RBS proposals suggest overdevelopment of the site that will place unrealistic pressure on local services and the environment.)

JC: This is a two-edged sword. Firstly, the 2011–16 Scottish Government focused on commercial development as a way to expand the tourism and higher-education sectors (primarily student housing companies and hotel chains being the main benefactors). Unfortunately, this has created a rapid demand for accommodation that simply can’t go hand-in-hand with cultural preservation – see the Scottish Government overruling the City of Edinburgh Council (CEC) regarding the Canonmills Bridge.

Secondly, local authorities need money. With the Council Tax freeze payouts set at a rate only suitable in 1991, local authorities are looking for other avenues to raise funds, mainly through tourism. This is why the proposed hotel plans split the CEC. This campaign is all about allowing councils and local authorities to raise their own funds.

I attended the New Town & Broughton Community Council’s meeting regarding the new developments on the Royal Bank of Scotland land, and believe the CEC should make better use of data mapping tools to chart population density. This is something I will push further if elected.

LH: I have already written to Alex Neil, the Minister responsible, regarding the proposed development at Canonmills Bridge. 

I made the point that planning law needs to be changed to level the playing field between developers and objectors.

I believe that local opinion needs to be taken fully into account when projects are proposed.

IM: We believe that the planning system is an example of where local communities’ wishes are overridden by central government priorities. This has been most apparent over the last few years with the spread of onshore wind developments across the countryside, where all too often planning decisions were overturned on appeal centrally.

  • If a major development application decision is taken in line with the Strategic and Local Development Plan, the appeal should be decided in a full Council meeting, as opposed to being referred to Scottish Ministers.
  • This has to go hand in hand with a better consultation process during the drawing-up of Strategic and Local Development Plans.

BM [revised response, 24.4.16; see Comment at foot of page]: Preserving Edinburgh’s UNESCO World Heritage status is something I take very seriously. I also share concerns about inappropriate development in our local area. Since before being selected as a candidate, I have been a core member of the Save 1–6 Canonmills Bridge campaign (aka the ‘save Earthy’ campaign). I put time and effort into that campaign because I want to see the landscape and environment of Canonmills preserved.

If elected as the local MSP I will make sure the voice of the community is heard on inappropriate development proposals. Furthermore, if re-elected to govern, the SNP has pledged to introduce a Planning Reform Bill. This will provide an opportunity to consider the issue of a third-party right of appeal (something I’m very much open-minded about).

The section on Planning in the SNP manifesto is at page 36 of the ‘Next Steps’ section.

AM: Planning in Edinburgh has been contentious (to say the least) since the 1960s. It seems clear to me, and I have no doubt to most other residents, that the Council cares almost nothing for Heritage status or anything else when it comes to developers.

UKIP’s proposal to allow binding referenda on local issues would go a long way to restoring the balance in favour of local people. We would also end Cabinet governance in local authorities, which would prevent a small clique from dominating Council business to the detriment of the people.

MV: One of the biggest challenges facing communities in Edinburgh is fostering any sense of social awareness among developers. I was speaking to the Cala during their public consultations over the 450 proposed dwellings opposite the Ocean Terminal site. I asked them about extra medical facilities required by the increase of population. The answer was that this is very much a matter for Edinburgh Council. They were however more willing to take on board my comments about any lack of play facilities for young children and keen to focus on minimising the traffic impact.

This last point shows that developers address the issues that planners address. They know that under the current system, public views rarely matter: it is the Council planning committee that they have to satisfy and that is everything. Another example would be the redevelopment of the Edinburgh Academicals stadium in Stockbridge. The local residents are overwhelmingly against the scheme as it stands, but it is being pushed through by the Council nonetheless. It seems that the threat of losing the next election is not enough to hold over politicians.

This is something that perhaps can be addressed by the Scottish Parliament. When it comes to housing, the first thing I would look at is housing density. There are minimum standards for room size here in Scotland but I am not aware of any minimum standards of dwelling density. It is in a developer's interest to maximise the return. It is in the power of Holyrood to set maximum numbers of dwellings in a given area for a given city zone if the Council is not providing suitable local standards.

The right of counter-appeal can also be looked at, although there are dangers if this becomes too powerful, resulting in neighbourhoods refusing any form of development. Some may say that the Edinburgh trams should not have gone ahead at all but imagine if each neighbourhood the line goes through had had to grant the scheme access.

The main point, though, would be to make any appeals scheme both fair and affordable. At the moment, the residents of Stockbridge have only the option of spending tens of thousands of pounds if they want to launch a judicial review. That probably is not going to happen.

As for the point over UNESCO World Heritage status, I have mixed feelings on this. True, it does identify areas of outstanding character across the world (thus bringing in tourism and revenue) but some cites complain that it also halts necessary development. Now I am not saying that Edinburgh is getting its planning right; just highlighting the potential conflict between UNESCO standards and city needs.

In the end, cities are for people to live in. Not just for the people already there but also for those who need to come and live there. It is the politician's job to find the best way through the possible areas of conflict.

3. What concrete measures will you put in place to alleviate poverty and inequality in Scotland?

JC: For a start, I believe more ‪investment is needed, particularly on social housing. A major policy I’m pushing is raising the top two Scottish Rate of Income Tax brackets by 1 penny, which I believe is fair and would protect public services that help towards the upkeep of stairwells such as the one I live in. It would also help fund local services such as non-profits that actively engage people who are facing tough economic times.

‪Secondly, I believe in and will actively fight for tighter legislation to ensure local authorities and property developers alike get incentivised to increase the amount of high-quality social housing (note: not ‘affordable housing’, but actual social housing, with metered electricity sockets and good insulation). As you’ll be aware, homelessness is a huge contributor to poverty and hostels/bed & breakfasts should never, ever be a long-term solution.

Third, the recent rise in foodbank use can be attributed to delays in receiving Job Seekers Allowance or Child Benefit. With the Scotland Bill coming into effect on the 23rd March, we have the ability to create new welfare systems. I will push the next Scottish Government to responsibly use this power to find out why these financial delays are so common, and to investigate if using our new welfare-creation powers is a productive way to prevent future instances.

Lastly, local employment is the key to ensuring youth find meaningful jobs upon leaving school. I can understand a 16-year old leaving Trinity or Craigroyston would be sceptical or dismissive of going for a job at the other end of town because there aren’t enough local businesses to meet demand in the area. (I was an 18-year old who was in that sort of situation.) To resolve this, I will be working a lot with local communities to attract local business into the area and create job opportunities before that 16-year old even has to contemplate receiving JSA.

Lesley Hinds (Labour): Naomi Eisenstadt, Independent Advisor on Poverty and Inequality for the Scottish Government, made 15 recommendations in her report ‘Shifting the Curve’.

They can be found here: http://bit.ly/1SzDAOh. Scottish Labour has endorsed her recommendations.

IM: Work is the most sustainable route out of poverty and it is welcome that employment across the whole of the UK is at a record high. Helping those who work to keep more of what they earn is also beneficial, and the UK Government has increased the tax-free personal allowance to £11,000, and recently introduced the national living wage which ensures workers over the age of 25 are paid at least £7.20 an hour.

As well as taking action on the root causes of poverty, Scotland also needs to address the effects of poverty. We know that recent Scottish Government PIPS (Performance Indicators in Primary School) data shows that the most deprived children start school 14 months behind their richer peers, and this is unacceptable. The Scottish Conservatives therefore believe that the expansion of funded childcare should focus on one and two-year olds – starting with the most disadvantaged. High-quality early-years education can be instrumental in providing equality of opportunity for our most vulnerable children.

BM [revised response, 24.4.16; see Comment at foot of page]: Trying to alleviate poverty and inequality in Scotland (and beyond) is one of the main reasons I got involved in politics and joined the SNP in 2006. In government the SNP has resisted Tory austerity and consistently worked to build a fairer Scotland.

If re-elected to govern, the SNP will provide free school meals to all 2, 3 and 4-year olds; increase investment in the Scottish Attainment Fund by £750 million; protect free education; implement recommendations of the Wider Access Commission to university; extend payment of the Living Wage to all social care workers; double the number of accredited Living Wage employers; introduce a Warm Homes Bill (to help tackle fuel poverty); increase the Carer’s Allowance; abolish the Bedroom Tax; maintain the level of disability benefits (and make the process of assessment fairer); and use new powers to establish a Maternity and Early Years Allowance to help tackle child poverty.

The SNP would use tax powers responsibly and progressively to raise an extra £2 billion for investment in public services; and publish a Fairer Scotland Action Plan, bringing together all of our actions to tackle poverty and inequalities.

More details are in the ‘A Fairer Scotland’ section of the SNP manifesto.

AM: Poverty and inequality are always linked in this sort of question. This is only partially true. Humanity is inherently unequal; we do not have the same talents and aptitudes as each other and the idea that those who make the most of their abilities should be penalised for doing so goes against UKIP’s libertarian ethos. That said, inequality of opportunity is one of the main drivers of poverty in later life. UKIP would therefore make considerable changes to education to give all our people an equal chance.

We would reduce average P1–3 class sizes to 20 and ensure that the cap of 25 per class is met. We would cut bureaucracy and paperwork for teachers, and remove centrally imposed targets. Teachers would be thus be able to teach rather than fill in endless forms.

UKIP would also restore proper further education to Scotland, enabling adults to improve their qualifications and prospects. We would restore college places lost under the SNP in their foolish quest for a 50 percent degree target; not every job requires a degree. Employers must be encouraged to release staff to attend part-time further and higher-education courses. Finally, we would work towards a balanced educational system, with FE colleges, universities, apprenticeships, technical schools, grammar schools and vocational training.

Finally, UKIP are committed to building 50,000 units of good-quality social and affordable housing by the end of the next parliament. We would also restore the Right to Buy, with the proviso that monies received from such sales are ploughed back into building replacement social housing. Quality housing helps improve health and life expectancy, and should not be the preserve of the few. 

MV: As a Scottish Liberal Democrat, I believe that not only should every person have equality of opportunity but we as a society should be there for whenever a person seeks to do better for themselves and their family.

The key to this on an individual level is education. Scottish Liberal Democrats believe that education is the first and arguably most essential investment when it comes to tackling any form of poverty. That is why we have proposed a Penny for Education – a penny on income tax to enable investment in a transformation in Scottish education that will make it the best in the world again and enable people to get well paid jobs. This is fair because the rising personal allowance will mean that anyone earning under £21,500 will actually pay less tax next year. Those at the top will pay 30 times more than someone on an average income.

For those already in work, we have sought to ensure work pays and that the system is fairer to those on low and middle incomes. In government we raised the income tax personal allowance, cutting the bills of 2 million Scots by £800 and lifting 2.7 million across the UK out of paying income tax altogether.

We will pay the Living Wage for all public services and stop giving government grants to companies that don't pay the Living Wage. The Scottish Government has given £5 million to Amazon, even though it pays its workers more than £1 less an hour than the living wage and there have been real concerns over working conditions at their base in Dunfermline.

Scottish Liberal Democrats have committed to working with the other parties and stakeholders to ensure that the new Scottish welfare system is fair to those in and out of work and has the full confidence of users.

I believe that fuel poverty is a major issue in our city and across Scotland. Liberal Democrats will work with other parties to see the energy efficiency of our nation's entire housing stock – not just new builds, but all our nation's homes – improved. This will be a major, long-term project but a necessary one. If we leave this to the free markets, it will never happen for all. The nature of Scotland's housing, especially for the older buildings, means that there are people living in older property who will never really afford the major improvements required for their homes to truly become energy efficient. As we undergo the transition towards a low-carbon, more energy-efficient future, it is important that our homes and, indeed, our businesses, too, are fit for purpose. Frankly, we are a northern nation but previous generations of regulators and builders did not seem to appreciate this, especially when it came to mass-market housing.

 

4. In the light of the current PPP scandal, how do the candidates see future funding for large infrastructure projects?

JC: It should be noted that PPP1 isn’t the prime reason we have had reports of unsuitable building standards in our school system. It’s that the contractors signed off on their own work. This shows a lack of accountability and regulation in the City of Edinburgh Council (CEC).

Secondly, after reading over the legal documents myself, it doesn't look like the CEC can make a successful case against the contractors. Again, this could potentially show a lack of accountability from the CEC legal department, depending on how it is followed up.

Lesley Hinds (Labour): The Scottish Parliament has been granted increased capital borrowing powers.  We should fully utilise them.  

IM: Everyone in Edinburgh has been shocked by the schools crisis and it is understandable that parents are confused as to how this has happened. The Scottish Conservatives had already called for the condition of buildings to be included in school inspections three times in the last parliament, so there have to be questions as to why this was not listened to.

Funding large-scale infrastructure must be affordable and should not result in raising taxes on hard-working families or plunging Scotland into debt.

BM [revised response, 24.4.16; see Comment at foot of page]: The SNP has always been concerned about PFI/PPP. Together with trade unions and independent academics, we raised concerns over the quality of the buildings and the profits being made by private companies under PFI/PPP deals (in Edinburgh we will pay £1.2 billion under the PFI/PPP contracts for schools that cost just £300 million to build). Because of these concerns, in government the SNP adopted a new model for financing infrastructure projects called NPD.

In terms of the Edinburgh school-building issue, what’s most important right now is that political parties work together to make the affected buildings safe, get children back to school, hold relevant parties to account and make sure more public money isn’t wasted. Going forward, I support Nicola Sturgeon’s call for an inquiry, and a Scottish Futures Trust review of existing PFI/PPP contracts.

For more information, see the section in our manifesto entitled ‘A Wealthier Scotland’; and this article on Edinburgh school closures: http://www.snp.org/getting_edinburgh_pupils_back_to_school

AM: Large-scale projects are infamous for being badly run by government at all levels. Estimates by the Taxpayers Alliance are that the average such project comes in at 160 percent of its original budget, if it comes in at all. This is an unacceptable waste of our taxes.

One of the main difficulties is that SMEs are prevented by over-regulation and EU procurement rules from competing with multinationals – even though the SMEs are more often than not more efficient, more flexible, and cheaper. UKIP would remove the necessity to demonstrate compliance with regulations not directly relevant to the contract in question. We would also require that Scottish projects took a ‘Scottish bidder preferred’ approach to tendering to help support local industry. We should not be building bridges with Chinese steel when our own steel industry is on its knees.

The second major issue in this area is PFI (by whatever name). UKIP would issue gilts to buy out existing PFI contracts as much as possible, and end the practice entirely. It is dishonest for politicians to pretend that PFI-style deals are not actually government debt, and extraordinarily wasteful to pay commercial rates to service that debt. Total PFI debt in the UK is more than £200 billion, and if that were funded via gilts we would pay some 8–10 percent less interest per annum. That’s a saving of over £15 billion a year in debt interest.

MV: Following the schools crisis here in Edinburgh, Scottish Liberal Democrats have been calling for a full inquiry into how we got to this point. We would also make the companies that build and maintain our schools and hospitals subject to freedom-of-information laws so that the public can check they are being run properly.

Our fully costed manifesto sets out the infrastructure projects we plan on taking forward and how we will pay for them. For example:

  • We will establish a Fit For The Future Investment Fund, drawing on the earmarked resources from half of the Scotland Act borrowing powers (more than £200 million a year).
  • Action to reduce the persistent underspending of the Scottish Government's budget to ensure underspends are redeployed into other projects that are waiting for the green light.
  • The Scottish Government's capital budget is increasing.
  • Our Help to Renovate loans will come from the special financial transaction consequentials in the Scottish budget.
  • We will expand the Housing Fund for Scotland model that has seen investment in rented homes pioneered by a local government pension fund.

In view of Liberal Democrat commitment to local democracy and councils being responsible for raising and spending funds locally and transparently, I would be open to ideas on other alternatives, such as funding of city projects through the issue of bonds.

5. Although the independence referendum was the occasion for great political involvement, it has also led to a very polarised political environment in Scotland. (As anyone who follows social media will be aware!) How do the candidates intend to heal the political divisions of post-referendum Scotland if they are elected?

JC: My campaign is already bringing people from both sides of the 2014 referendum together as it is based on moving on from the referendum for the next five years. I am taking the strictly neutral stance that if the question gets asked again, it will be a completely different question which will have different consequences and benefits.

I believe only two parties in this election are actively seeking a second referendum immediately (RISE and Solidarity). On the other side of the equation, I will not waste parliamentary time by retelling the story of the referendum for political gain, something the Conservative & Unionist Party, Scottish Labour and the Scottish National Party have done in the chamber on several occasions in 2015 and 2016.

LH: We should accept the decision of those who voted in 2014 and move on.

Political discourse now needs to address fundamental issues, which are close to people’s concerns - health, housing, jobs etc.

Constant debate about constitutional matters is unsettling to people and investors. We have powerful, new powers which can be used to address inequality and we should use them.

IM: I am proud of the role I played during the referendum, and believe wholeheartedly it was in Scotland’s best interests to continue to play a full part in our family of nations. The Scottish Government’s recent GERS figures showed that an independent Scotland would have started life with a £15 billion deficit.

But it is time to move forward, which is why my party are urging the next Scottish Government to respect the result of the referendum and concentrate on the things that really matter to Scots like improving schools and the NHS. We need to stop the posturing that almost any event could ‘trigger’ another referendum. This is why Scotland needs a strong Opposition – like Ruth Davidson and the Scottish Conservatives – to hold the SNP to account on this.

BM: One of the main reasons I got involved in politics, stayed involved in politics, and then put myself forward as a candidate was because I strongly believe that we can create a more constructive political dialogue in Scotland (for the benefit of us all).

I think achieving this requires strong characters to get elected who care about this matter – and then lead by example. For this reason, I purposefully haven’t made any negative political points in my campaign literature. If elected, I intend to help move our political debate into a more constructive environment by leading by example and encouraging others from all parties to do the same.

AM: The divisions stirred up by the 2014 referendum are lamentable. Both Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon said at the time that it was a once-in-a-generation event, and UKIP agreed. We consider that the question is now settled for the foreseeable future, and that further political posturing on possible Indyref2 is irresponsible at best.

There is an even more important referendum on 23 June, and we encourage all those who believe in democracy to join us in voting to leave the corporatist, bureaucratic and anti-democratic EU. Whether Scots want to remain in the UK or not, freeing ourselves to govern our own country is a vital step in restoring accountability and democracy to our politics and our people. I urge all voters, regardless of constituency-party loyalties, to vote UKIP on the Regional list on 5 May so that we can lead the campaign to leave the EU and restore our democracy post-Brexit. This is our country; let’s get it back.

MV: As far as I am concerned, these elections are about the best delivery of services and improving the standards of living for everybody living in Scotland. It most certainly is not about a second referendum, which is what the SNP want to make it about. Nor is it about cries of defending the Union, which is what the Conservatives would have us believe they are about. Both of these parties are cynically exploiting and deepening the polarisation which the question, correctly, refers to.

We are living in exciting times here in Scotland and we have an opportunity to use the new powers coming to us to make a real difference to all our lives. We can show the rest of UK that there is a different way to do things than the old Labour– Conservative Punch and Judy show. But, to my mind, nationalism is not helping in this. It is, in fact, a distraction from us as a society making use of the powers we already have.

I say that instead of blaming others or calling upon any form of jingoism, let us focus on the task at hand, right now. Goodness knows they are big enough. Education, housing, the NHS and a myriad of others, just as vital. How do cries for either a second independence referendum or claims to be the protector of the Union help? They simply don't.

If on Thursday I were to become your MSP, my pledge would be to focus on the issues, encourage others to do so, take responsibility for our own actions here in Scotland, and work, constructively and transparently, with others in finding and delivering fair, democratic and liberal solutions for the people of Scotland.

[Photos by Rhys Fullerton]

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Comment:

The first four responses by Ben Macpherson replace and elaborate upon those published the day before on 23 April. The originals comprised very brief hyperlinks to the SNP website, and were the result, says Macpherson, of a misunderstanding about the intended format. In the interests of presenting voters with as much information as possible about candidates’ opinions, Spurtle has made the changes. For readers’ reactions to the original answers, and to our subsequent decision – see the Spurtle Facebook page. Alan McIntosh (ed.)